Novaya i Novejshaya Istoriya

The nation, understood as a supra-ethnic socio-cultural community, is a phenomenon of modernity. The first nations emerged in Europe and the broader Western world during the modern time, closely linked to the process of secularisation. However, secularisation should not be conflated with atheisation – the outright rejection of belief in the transcendent. At its core, secularity entails the recognition of religious pluralism as a normative feature of a single society and state. In the eighteenth century, when the first nations were taking shape, secularisation had evolved into atheisation. The shift away from viewing modernisation as synonymous with Westernisation – epitomised by the concept of multiple modernities – enables a more nuanced understanding of atheisation as a distinctively Western factor in nation-building.

This article examines three dominant conceptions of globalisation in contemporary Russian scholarship, aiming to assess their academic potential. These are the concept of multipolar globalisation, the concept of the globalisation of centres, and the concept of value-oriented globalisation. Each represents both the culmination of intellectual inquiry to date and a prevailing direction in the ongoing search for a new model of future globalisation. The concept of multipolar globalisation is underpinned by hypotheses concerning an ordered global system and its governance. The concept of the globalisation of centres is based on the premise that globalisation can emerge through agreements among key geopolitical hubs. Meanwhile, the concept of value-oriented globalisation emphasises the role of traditional values in shaping global processes. The article is structured into six sections: the first three analyse these concepts individually, the fourth compares them and evaluates their academic potential, and the fifth verifies the preliminary findings through a historiographical review of works by Vladimir Baranovsky, Alexey Gromyko, Alexander Dynkin, and Andrey Kortunov. The final section explores how these concepts may be applied to historical research on globalisation and the development of Russian academic thought, with the aim of overcoming fragmentation and fostering dialogue and international cooperation. This article is intended as a contribution to ongoing discussions in the field; however, it does not engage in a detailed examination of the relationship between globalisation and global history.

The political agency of Native American populations in early colonial New England is frequently underestimated. Both popular culture and, at times, scholarly discourse depict Native Americans as passive victims of colonial expansion, lacking the capacity to shape the transformative processes that redefined their world. This perspective, rooted in the nineteenth-century “noble savage” trope, fails to capture the complexity of Native political engagement. This article explores the diverse strategies employed by Native American leaders throughout the seventeenth century as they sought to navigate and influence colonial structures. While individual leaders pursued diplomatic relationships with colonial authorities, collective strategies – most notably conversion to Christianity – were employed to secure a place within the emerging colonial order. Key examples of successful political adaptation include Ousamequin, the first sachem to forge an alliance with the colonies; Uncas, the Mohegan leader; and Robin Cassacinamon, the Pequot intermediary who played a crucial role in Native-colonial relations. Although their approaches varied, they shared common elements that underscore the adaptability of Native American political cultures. Rather than relying solely on resistance, these strategies shaped colonial history, influencing immediate political developments and contributing to the formation of ethno-racial stratification in both colonial and later American society.

This article explores a pivotal moment in the history of the early Third Republic, when the victory of the Republicans marked the end of their long-standing confrontation with monarchist factions. On 30 January 1879, President Patrice de MacMahon, a leader of the clerical-monarchist reaction, resigned prematurely. On the same day, Jules Grévy, a prominent Republican figure, was elected as his successor, consolidating Republican control over both the executive and legislative branches of government. The dramatic events surrounding these developments are extensively documented in the diplomatic correspondence of the Russian Ambassador to Paris, Prince Nikolai Alekseevich Orloff. His deep understanding of French political realities and extensive connections within the highest political echelons made Orloff one of the most informed observers of the final establishment of the republican system in France. His dispatches and analytical notes to St. Petersburg serve as valuable primary sources for understanding the political history of France in the 1870s. Orloff’s correspondence provides unique insights, revealing the behind-the-scenes dynamics of French political life during this crucial period. Following the adoption of the republican constitution in 1875 and the Republicans’ victory in the subsequent legislative elections, Orloff increasingly saw MacMahon’s resignation as inevitable. However, like many others, he did not anticipate that the resignation would be voluntarily initiated by the Marshal-President himself. In his analysis of the situation, Orloff acknowledged the potential for monarchist attempts to destabilise the republican regime. This article draws upon Orloff’s correspondence during this transformative period in French history, offering a detailed examination of the political context surrounding MacMahon’s resignation and the consolidation of the French Republic.

One of the most significant components of the archival collection of the Russian Committee for the Study of Central and Eastern Asia (F. 148; hereinafter referred to as the Russian Committee), housed in the St Petersburg Branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences (SPbF ARAN), consists of documents that illuminate the academic policies of late imperial Russia on an international scale. The cooperation and conflicts between Russian researchers in north-western China and their German counterparts represent an important chapter in the history of early twentieth-century scholarly exploration. The archival materials from the Russian Committee’s collection at SPbF ARAN provide substantial new insights that complement previously available data from the Sergey Oldenburg's fund. Additionally, these documents significantly enhance our understanding of the scholarly work conducted in East Turkestan by the renowned linguist, ethnographer, and Turkologist Sergey Malov. The collection also preserves records of other researchers whose contributions have shaped the study of the ancient and medieval history of East Turkestan. The publication of these materials will offer valuable perspectives on the history of East Turkestan’s exploration, the academic policies of the Russian Empire, and the evolution of international relations in Central Asia and the Far East in the early twentieth century.

The article explores the cooperation between the British and French military leadership in early 1939, as they prepared for potential operations in the “colonial” theatres of war against Fascist Italy, should it enter the anticipated conflict on the side of Nazi Germany. The author focuses on bilateral Anglo-French staff consultations held first in London, and subsequently in the administrative centres of colonial and mandated territories between March and June 1939. These discussions addressed detailed plans for military operations in North and East Africa – particularly in regions where Italian colonies bordered British and French possessions – as well as joint defensive measures for the Middle East. In addition to conventional plans involving the deployment of ground forces, naval units, and air power, proposals were advanced to destabilise the Italian rear by fomenting uprisings among local populations in Libya and Ethiopia. Although French representatives expressed greater confidence in the prospects for success than their British counterparts, even a superficial comparison of available forces soon led to the abandonment of hopes for a swift victory over Italy at the outset of the war. The consultations highlighted the inadequate state of military preparedness in both countries – a direct consequence of the protracted policy of appeasement towards Fascist Italy, pursued in vain by the Western powers in an effort to detach it from its alliance with Nazi Germany.

Irreechaa, the annual festival of the Oromo – Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group – has undergone a remarkable transformation, evolving from a banned event to a recognised element of national cultural heritage and an attraction for international tourism. This shift has been facilitated by national policies and the growing academic study of Oromo culture and history. Originally devoid of political connotations, Irreechaa has increasingly become a tool for revolutionary change and a symbol of the Oromo struggle for official recognition of their national identity and historical contributions to Ethiopia. It has also become central to the Oromo national consciousness, known as “Oromummaa”, which is based on three key elements: ethnicity, the Oromo language, and ancestral land. The ritual of Irreechaa simultaneously affirms the distinctiveness of the Oromo while also connecting them to the broader ancient African cultural tradition, in which beliefs in the spirits of water and trees were widespread. Despite religious diversity among the Oromo, many consider themselves followers of “waaqeffanna”, their traditional faith, of which Irreechaa is an integral part. Furthermore, representatives of other Ethiopian ethnic groups also participate in the annual pilgrimage to Oromo sacred sites. As Irreechaa gains increasing media attention, its original sacredness is gradually diminishing – just as historically sacred sites are being transformed by tourism infrastructure – an arguably inevitable consequence of globalisation.

Soviet and Russian scholarship, historically rooted in Amhara-centric perspectives, has largely overlooked Oromo culture, focusing primarily on the “gadaa” age-class system. However, in recent years, there has been growing academic interest in the Oromo national movement, particularly among its youth.

This study examines migration flows between Kyrgyzstan and Russia during a period marked by a steady increase in the number of labour migrants from Central Asia, while political instability in Kyrgyzstan remained a major push factor. Although these migration trends have been addressed in recent historiography, they have often been analysed in a limited or fragmented manner. This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of migration from Kyrgyzstan to Russia, drawing upon archival materials from the Federal Migration Service (FMS) of the Russian Federation, statistical data from the National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic, and reports from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) on Kyrgyzstan. The study presents both the quantitative and qualitative dimensions of Kyrgyz migration, including trends in the acquisition of Russian citizenship, and highlights key challenges arising from the rapid increase in labour migration following the Tulip Revolution (2005) and the April Revolution (2010). Despite several periods of economic decline in Russia during the period under review, which temporarily reduced migration flows from Central Asia, transnational ties between Russia and Kyrgyzstan remained stable and adaptable. This is evidenced by the sustained employment of Kyrgyz nationals in the Russian economy and the continued significance of remittances as a share of Kyrgyzstan’s GDP.

This publication presents, for the first time, the wartime notebook kept by Marshal Semyon Mikhailovich Budyonny during his command of the North Caucasian Front in the summer of 1942. The entries cover the period from 25 June to 2 August 1942, a time marked by intense defensive operations by Soviet forces in the Great Bend of the Don – an area that became the staging ground for subsequent battles in the North Caucasus and along the Lower Volga near Stalingrad. The document is accompanied by a scholarly introduction and detailed commentary. This edition provides new insights into situational assessments, as well as the processes of command decision-making and execution during the pivotal fighting on the Don Front in July 1942 – an episode that proved critical to the broader Soviet defensive campaign on the southern flank of the Eastern Front in the summer and autumn of that year.

This article examines the role of the Bavarian and West German politician Fritz Schäffer as Minister of Finance of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from 1949 to 1957. The study aims to assess his financial policies and their impact on the economic and broader development of West Germany during this period. It concludes that Schäffer’s fiscal policies were a crucial prerequisite for both the “Wirtschaftswunder” and the further consolidation of West German sovereignty. He was credited with achieving balanced budgets despite limited tax revenues and the growing financial obligations of the federal government. This enabled the stabilisation of the currency, the restoration of Germany’s creditworthiness, and the near-total financing of federal expenditures from domestic revenue without reliance on new debt. Schäffer also implemented the largest tax reduction of the period, which helped address capital shortages and provided a strong stimulus for economic growth. His firm stance on reducing occupation costs and his willingness to fully support West Germany’s planned entry into the European Defence Community accelerated negotiations for the abolition of the Occupation Statute and the country’s accession to NATO.